Л.Н. ГУМИЛЕВ АТЫНДАҒЫ ЕУРАЗИЯ ҰЛТТЫҚ УНИВЕРСИТЕТIНІҢ
ХАБАРШЫСЫ ВЕСТНИК
ЕВРАЗИЙСКОГО НАЦИОНАЛЬНОГО
УНИВЕРСИТЕТА ИМ. Л.Н. ГУМИЛЕВА
BULLETIN
of L.N. GUMILYOV EURASIAN NATIONAL
UNIVERSITY
САЯСИ ҒЫЛЫМДАР. АЙМАҚТАНУ. ШЫҒЫСТАНУ. ТҮРКІТАНУ сериясы POLITICAL SCIENCE. REGIONAL STUDIES. ORIENTAL STUDIES.
TURKOLOGY Series
Серия ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ. РЕГИОНОВЕДЕНИЕ. ВОСТОКОВЕДЕНИЕ.
ТЮРКОЛОГИЯ
№ 3 (128)/2019
1995 жылдан бастап шығады Founded in 1995 Издается с 1995 года
Жылына 4 рет шығады Published 4 times a year Выходит 4 раза в год
Нұр-Сұлтан, 2019 Nur-Sultan, 2019 Нур-Султан, 2019
ISSN (Print)2616-6887
ISSN (Online) 2617-605X
Бас редакторы: Нуртазина Р.А.
с.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар)
Бас редактордың орынбасары Нечаева Е.Л., с.ғ.к.,проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар )
Бас редактордың орынбасары Ахметжанова Л.К., т.ғ.к., доцент, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар)
Редакция алқасы
Абжаппарова Б.Ж. т.ғ.д., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (шығыстану) Авдеева О.А. с.ғ.д., доцент, Лойола университеті, Чикаго, АҚШ (саяси ғылымдар)
Азмуханова А.М. т.ғ.к., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (халықаралық қатынастар) Әбдуалиұлы Б. ф.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (түркітану) Әлібекұлы А. ф.ғ.к., доцент, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (шығыстану) Әлиева С.К. т.ғ.к., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан
(халықаралық қатынастар)
Барсуков А.М. с.ғ.к., доцент, Сібір басқару институты, ХШжМҚРА филиалы (саяси ғылымдар) Бирюков С.В. с.ғ.д., проф., Кемерово мемлекеттік университеті, Кемерово, Ресей (саяси ғылымдар)
Габдулина Б.А. т.ғ.к., доцент, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар) Дәркенов К.Г. т.ғ.к., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (аймақтану)
Дүйсембекова М.К. с.ғ.к., доцент, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар) Жолдыбалина А.С. PhD, доцент, Қазақстан стратегиялық зерттеулер институты, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан
(саяси ғылымдар)
Жолдасбекова А.Н. с.ғ.к., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (халықаралық қатынастар)
Зимони Иштван проф., Сегед университеті, Сегед, Венгрия (түркітану)
Ибраев Ш. ф.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (шығыстану) Ирфан Шахзад PhD, Саяси зерттеулер институты, Исламабад, Пакистан (халықаралық қатынастар) Каиржанов А.К. ф.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (шығыстану) Кайыркен Т.З. т.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (шығыстану) Кожирова С.Б. с.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар) Конкобаев К. ф.ғ.к., проф., Түркі академиясы халықаралық ұйымы, Нұр-Сұлтан (түркітану) Копежанова Д.Е. PhD, доцент, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар) Ланко Д. А. с.ғ.к., доцент, Санкт-Петербург мемлекеттік университеті, Санкт-Петербург, Ресей (саяси ғылымдар) Ласлу Марац PhD, проф., Амстердам университеті, Амстердам, Нидерланды (халықаралық қатынастар) Мандана Тишеяр PhD, Алламе Табатабаи университеті, Тегеран, Иран (халықаралық қатынастар)
Невская И.А. ф.ғ.к., проф., Гете атындағы университет, Франкфурт-на-Майне, Германия (түркітану) Нұрбаев Ж.Е. т.ғ.к., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (аймақтану)
Оспанова А.Н. PhD, доцент, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (аймақтану) Пунит Гаур PhD, проф., Нью-Дели университеті, Нью-Дели, Индия (аймақтану)
Пауло Ботта PhD, проф., Ла-Плата ұлттық университеті, Ла-Плата, Аргентина (саяси ғылымдар) Рыстина И.С. PhD, Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (саяси ғылымдар) Сеийт Али Авджу PhD, Йылдырыма Беязит университеті, Анкара, Түркия (аймақтану) Сомжүрек Б.Ж. т.ғ.к., доцент, Astana International University, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (халықаралық қатынастар)
Тәштемханова Р.М. т.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (аймақтану) Шаймердинова Н.Г. ф.ғ.д., проф., Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы ЕҰУ, Нұр-Сұлтан, Қазақстан (түркітану)
Редакцияның мекенжайы: 010008, Қазақстан, Нұр-Сұлтан қ., Сәтпаев к-сі, 2, 307 б.
Тел.: +7(7172) 709-500 (ішкі 31-432)
E-mail: vest_polit@enu.kz, web-site:http://bulpolit.enu.kz/
Жауапты хатшы, компьютерде беттеген: Ә.С. Жұматаева Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы Еуразия ұлттық университетінің хабаршысы.
САЯСИ ҒЫЛЫМДАР. АЙМАҚТАНУ. ШЫҒЫСТАНУ. ТҮРКІТАНУ сериясы
Меншіктенуші: ҚР БҒМ «Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы Еуразия ұлттық университеті» ШЖҚ РМК
Қазақстан Республикасының Ақпарат және коммуникациялар министрлігінде тіркелген. 25.05.18 ж. № 17125-Ж -тіркеу куәлігі
Мерзімділігі: жылына 4 рет. Тиражы: 25 дана
Типографияның мекенжайы: 010008, Қазақстан, Нұр-Сұлтан қ., Қажымұқан к-сі,13/1, тел.: +7(7172)709-500 (ішкі 31-432)
© Л.Н. Гумилев атындағы Еуразия ұлттық университеті
Editor-in-Chief:Roza Nurtazina
Doctor of Political Sciences, Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science)
Deputy Editor-in-Chief: Yelena Nechayeva, Can. of Political Sci., Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science) Deputy Editor-in-Chief: Leila Akhmetzhanova, Can. of Historical Sci., Assoc.Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political
science) Editorial board
Bekzhan Abdualiuly Doctor of Philology, Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (turkology) Bibikhadisha Abzhapparova Doctor of Historical Sci., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (oriental studies) Aiman Azmukhanova Can. of Historical Sci., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (international rela-tions) Akzhigit Alibekuly Can. of Philology, Assoc.Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (oriental studies) Saule Aliyeva Can. of Historical Sci., Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (international relations) Оl’ga Аvdeeva Doctor of Political Sci., Assoc.Prof., Loyola University, Chicago, USA (political science) Aleksandr Barsukov Can. of Political Sci., Assoc.Prof., Siberian Institute of Managment, Branch of RANEPA, Russia (political science) Sergey Biryukov Doctor of Political Sci., Prof., Kemerovo State University, Kemerovo, Russia (political science) Bagysh Gabdulina Can. of Historical Sci., Assoc.Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science) Kurmangali Darkenov Can. of Historical Sci., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (regional studies) Maira Dyussembekova Can. of Political Sci., Assoc.Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science) Shakir Ibrayev Doctor of Philology, Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (oriental studies) Irfan Shahzad PhD, Institute for Political Studies, Islamabad, Pakistan (international relations)
Abai Kairzhanov Doctor of Philology, Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (oriental studies) Tursynkhan Kaiyrken Doctor of Historical Sci., Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (oriental studies) Kadyraly Konkobayev Can. of Philology, Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (turkology) Svetlana Kozhirova Doctor of Political Sci., Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science) Danagul Kopezhanova PhD, Assoc. Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science)
Dmitrij Lanko Can. of Political Sci., Assoc.Prof., St Peterburg Universiy, Saint Petersburg, Russia (political science) Laszlo Maracz PhD, Prof. Amsterdam University, Amsterdam, Netherlands (international relations)
Mandana Tisheyar PhD, Allameh Tabataba’i University, Tehran, Iran (international relations) Irina Nevskaya PhD, Goethe University, Germany, Frankfurt am Main (turkology)
Zhaslan Nurbayev Can. of Historical Sci., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (regional studies) Aigerim Ospanova PhD, Assoc.Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (regional studies) Punit Gaur PhD, Prof. University of New Delhi, New Delhi, India (regional studies)
Paulo Botta PhD, Prof., National University of La Plata, La Plata, Argentina (political science) Indira Rystina PhD, L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (political science)
Seyit Ali Avcu PhD, Yıldırım Beyazit University, Ankara Turkey (regional studies)
Baubek Somzhurek Can. of Historical Sci., Assoc.Prof., Astana International University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (international relations) Raihan Tashtemkhanova Doctor of Historical Sci., Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (regional studies) Nurila Shaymerdinova Doctor of Philology, Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (turkology) Akbota Zholdasbekova Can. of Political Sci., Prof., L.N.Gumilyov ENU, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (international relations) Alua Zholdybalina PhD, Assoc.Prof., Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (polit-ical science) Zimonyi Istvan Prof., University of Szeged, Szeged, Hungary (turkology)
Editorial address: 2, Satpayev str., of. 307, Nur-Sultan city, Kazakhstan, 010008.
Теl.: +7(7172) 709-500 (ext. 31-432). E-mail: vest_polit@enu kz, web-site: http://bulpolit.enu.kz/
Responsible secretary, computer layout: Aliya Zhumatayeva
Bulletin of the L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University POLITICAL SCIENCE. REGIONAL STUDIES. ORIENTAL STUDIES.
TURKOLOGY Series
Owner: Republican State Enterprise in the capacity of economic conduct «L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University» Ministry of Education and Science of the Republic of Kazakhstan
Registered by Ministry of information and communication of Republic of Kazakhstan. Registration certificate No. 17125-Ж from 25.05.2018 Periodicity: 4 times a year. Circulation: 25 copies
Address of printing house: 13/1 Kazhimukan str., Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan 010008; tel.: +7(7172) 709-500 (ext.31-432)
© L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University
Главный редактор: Нуртазина Р.А.
д.полит.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит. науки)
Зам. главного редактора: Нечаева Е.Л., к.полит.н., проф. , ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит. науки)
Зам. главного редактора: Ахметжанова Л.К., к.ист.н., доцент, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит. науки)
Редакционная коллегия
Абдуалиулы Б. д.ф.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (тюркология) Абжаппарова Б.Ж. д.ист.н., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (востоковедение) Авдеева О. А. д.полит.н., доцент, университет Лойола, Чикаго, США (полит.науки)
Азмуханова А.М. к.ист.н., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (международные отношения) Алибекулы А. к.ф.н., доцент, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (востоковедение)
Алиева С.К. к.ист.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (международ.отношения) Барсуков А. М. к.полит.н., доцент, Сибирский институт управления – филиал РАНХиГС, Новосибирск, Рос-сия (политические науки) Бирюков С.В. д.полит.н., проф., Кемеровский государственный университет, Кемерово, Россия (полит.науки) Габдулина Б.А. к.ист.н., доцент, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит.науки)
Даркенов К.Г. к.и.н., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (регионоведение)
Дюсембекова М.К. к.полит.н., доцент, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит.науки)
Жолдыбалина А.С. PhD, доцент, Казахстанский институт стратегических исследований, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит.науки) Жолдасбекова А.Н. к.полит.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (международ. отношения) Зимони Иштван проф., Сегедский университет, Сегед, Венгрия (тюркология)
Ибраев Ш. д.ф.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (востоковедение)
Ирфан Шахзад PhD, Институт политических исследований, Исламабад, Пакистан (международ. отношения) Каиржанов А.К. д.ф.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (востоковедение)
Кайыркен Т.З. д.ист.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (востоковедение) Кожирова С.Б. д.полит.н., проф., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит.науки) Конкобаев К. к.ф.н., проф., Международная Тюркская академия, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (тюркология) Копежанова Д.Е. PhD, доцент, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит.науки)
Ланко Д. А. к.полит.н., доцент, Санкт-Петербургский гос.университет, Санкт-Петербург, Россия (полит.науки)
Ласлу Марац PhD, проф., Амстердамский университет, Амстердам, Нидерланды (международ. отношения) Мандана Тишеяр PhD, Университет Алламе Табатабаи, Тегеран, Иран (международ. отношения)
Невская И.А. PhD, Гете Университет, Франкфурт-на-Майне, Германия (тюркология) Нурбаев Ж.Е. к.и.н., ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (регионоведение) Оспанова А.Н. PhD, доцент, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (регионоведение) Пунит Гаур PhD, проф., университет Нью-Дели, Нью-Дели, Индия (регионоведение)
Пауло Ботта PhD, проф., национальный университет Ла-Платы, Ла-Плата, Аргентина (полит.науки) Рыстина И.С. PhD, ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (полит.науки)
Сеийт Али Авджу PhD, университет Йылдырыма Беязита, Турция (регионоведение)
Сомжурек Б.Ж. к.ист.н., доцент, Astana International University, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (международ. отношения) Таштемханова Р.М. д.ист.н., проф. (Казахстан), ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (регионоведение)
Шаймердинова Н.Г. д.ф.н., проф. (Казахстан), ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева, Нур-Султан, Казахстан (тюркология) Адрес редакции: 010008, Казахстан, г. Нур-Султан, ул. Сатпаева, 2, каб. 307
Тел.: +7(7172) 709-500 (вн. 31-432)
E-mail: vest_polit@enu.kz, web-site: http://bulpolit.enu.kz/
Ответственный секретарь, компьютерная верстка: А.С. Жуматаева Вестник Евразийского национального университета имени Л.Н.Гумилева.
Серия:ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ. РЕГИОНОВЕДЕНИЕ. ВОСТОКОВЕДЕНИЕ. ТЮРКОЛОГИЯ Собственник: РГП на ПХВ «Евразийский национальный университет имени Л.Н. Гумилева» МОН РК Зарегистрирован Министерством информации и коммуникаций Республики Казахстан
Регистрационное свидетельство № 17125-Ж от 25.05.18 г.
Периодичность: 4 раза в год Тираж: 25 экземпляров
Адрес типографии: 010008, Казахстан, г. Нур-Султан, ул. Кажымукана, 13/1, тел.: +7(7172)709-500 (вн.31-432)
© Евразийский национальный университет имени Л.Н. Гумилева
МАЗМҰНЫ САЯСИ ҒЫЛЫМДАР
Әбдраманов О.М., Бекмурат А., Есдаулетова А.М. Қай кезде экономикалық санкциялар тиімді болмақ? ... 11 Болысбек М.Ә., Бюлегенова Б.Б. Қазақстан Республикасында сайлау жүйесінің қалыптасуы мен даму мәселелері ... 18 Дюсембекова М.К., Ибраев Е.Е. Әлемдік тәжірибедегі мемлекет пен діннің арақатынасы ... 26 Жұмағұлов Е.Т., Көпежанова Д.Е. Қазақстан Республикасындағы жергілікті өзін-өзі басқару институтының қалыптасуының саяси-құқықтық негіздерін талдау ... 32 Курпебаева Г.К. Солтүстік Африка мен Таяу Шығыстағы «араб көктемін» концептуалды талдау 40 Ланко Д.А., Ланцова И.С. Корея Республикасының еуразиялық саясаты ... 50 Майгельдинов К.У., Нечаева Е.Л. Орталық Азиядағы Қытай мүдделерінің контекстіндегі АҚШ пен Қытайдың геосаяси қақтығысы ... 58 Нұртазина Р.А.,Серікжанова А.Т. Қазақстан Республикасындағы саяси қатысудың
әлеуметтік-мәдени аспектілері ... 66 Райымбекова А.А. Халықаралық қақтығыстарды реттеу үрдісіндегі медиаторлық институты ... 74
АЙМАҚТАНУ
Кариева Н.А. XIX ғасырдағы экспедицияларда Орта Азия территориясындағы географиялық іздестіру мәселесі (ресейлік зерттеулер мысалында) ... 82
ТҮРКІТАНУ
Адилов М.Е. Сөз мәнін талдай отырып, фразеологизмдер мен мақал-мәтелдерді оқытудың жолдары ... 95 Ахметова Ж.Н. Қазақ және түрік әйелдерінің ұлттық киімдерін салыстыра зерттеу ... 103 Жиембаева Г.Т., Сайын Ж. Тува түркілерінің фольклорындағы қаһармандық эпостар және оның ерекшеліктері ... 110 Жолдасбеков М. Тарих деректері: қазақ жеріне депортацияланған түркі халықтары ... 116 Каскарбаева Г.С. Түркі мәдениетінің дамуы контексіндегі Түркі әлемінің интеграциясы ... 125 Шаймердинова Н.Г., Жиембай Б.С., Абдрасимова А.Е. Қазақстандағы гагауз диаспорасы тілінің ерекшеліктері ... 132
CONTENTS POLITICAL SCIENCE
Abdramanov O. M., Bekmurat A., Esdauletova А.M. When economic sanctions are likely to be
effective? ... 11
Bolysbek M.A., Bulegenova B.B. Problems of formation and development of the electoral system in the Republic of Kazakhstan ... 18 Dyussembekova M.K., Ibrayev E.E. The interaction of state and religion in the world practice ... 26
Zhumagulov E.T, Kopezhanova D.E. Analysis of the political and legal foundations of the institution local government in the Republic of Kazakhstan ... 32
Kurpebayeva G.K. Conceptual analysis of the “Arab Spring” in Middle East and North Africa ... 40
Lanko D.A., Lantsova I.S. Eurasian Policy of the Republic of Korea ... 50
Maigeldinov K.U., Nechayeva Ye.L. The geopolitical confrontation of the United States and China in Afghanistan in the context of China’s interests in Central Asia ... 58
Nurtazina R.A., Serikzhanova А.T. Socio-cultural aspects of political participation in the Republic of Kazakhstan ... 66
Raiymbekova A.А. Institute of mediation in the settlement process of international conflicts ... 74
REGIONAL STUDIES Kariyeva N.A. On the issue of geographical surveys in Central Asia on expeditions of the 19th century (on the example of Russian studies) ... 82
TURKOLOGY Аdilov М. Е. Teaching of phraseological units and proverbs of the Kazakh language with the help of archaism evidences stored in them ... 95
Akhmetova Zh.N. Comparative analysis of Kazakh and Turkısh women national clothıng ... 103
Zhiyembayeva G.T., Sayin Zh. Heroic epics of folklore of Tuvan Turks and their features ... 110
Zholdasbekov M. Historical sources: Turkic peoples deported to Kazakhstan ... 116
Kaskarbayeva G.S. Integration of the Turkic world in the context of the development of Turkic culture 125 Shaymerdinova N.G., Zhiyembay B.S., Abdrassimova А.Е. Features of the language of the Gagauz Diaspora living in Kazakhstan ... 132
СОДЕРЖАНИЕ ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ
Әбдраманов О.М., Бекмурат А., Есдаулетова А.М. Когда экономические санкции могут быть эффективными? ... 11 Болысбек М.А., Бюлегенова Б.Б. Проблемы формирования и развития избирательной системы в Республике Казахстан ... 18 Дюсембекова М.К., Ибраев Е.Е. Взаимодействие государства и религии в мировой практике ... 26 Жумагулов Е.Т., Копежанова Д.Е. Анализ политическо-правовых основ становления института местного самоуправления в Республике Казахстан ... 32 Курпебаева Г.К. Концептуальный анализ «арабской весны» в Северной Африке и на Ближнем Востоке ... 40 Ланко Д.А., Ланцова И.С. Евразийская политика Республики Корея ... 50 Майгельдинов К.У., Нечаева Е.Л. Геополитическое противостояние США и КНР в Афганистане в контексте интересов Китая в Центральной Азии ... 58 Нуртазина Р.А., Серикжанова А.Т. Социокультурные аспекты политического участия в Республике Казахстан ... 66 Райымбекова А.А. Институт посредничества в процессе урегулирования
международных конфликтов ... 74 РЕГИОНОВЕДЕНИЕ
Кариева Н.А. К вопросу географических изысканий на территории Средней Азии в экспедициях XIX века (на примере российских исследований) ... 82
ТЮРКОЛОГИЯ
Адилов М.Е. Способы изучения фразеологизмов, пословиц и поговорок казахского языка посредством анализа их значения ... 95 Ахметова Ж.Н. Сравнительный анализ казахской и турецкой женской национальной одежды ... 103 Жиембаева Г. Т., Сайын Ж. Героические эпосы фольклора тувинских тюрков и их особенности 110 Жолдасбеков М. Исторические источники: тюркские народы, депортированные в Казахстан ... 116 Каскарбаева Г.С. Интеграция тюркского мира в контексте развития тюркской культуры ... 125 Шаймердинова Н.Г., Жиембай Б.С., Абдрасимова А.Е. Особенности языка гагаузской диаспоры, проживающей в Казахстане ... 132
КОЛОНКА РЕДАКТОРА Исследовательский кругозор и современная политическая наука
В современных условиях мировое сообщество оказалось перед глобальными вызовами экономического и политического контента государств. Скоростной динамизм современного мира сделали государственную практическую политику более зависимой от прикладной политологии, принятия политических и административных решений, прогно- за рисков, конструирования стратегических целей и от мнения экспертного сообщества.
Сегодня во всех государствах рациональные политические решения принимаются на основе научного знания и качественной аналитики. Полагаю, что сама политология не может развиваться в автономном режиме в отрыве от мировой политической науки, аналитики не просто отдельно изучают политику, но и во многом определяет ее.
Мировая практика доказывает, что сегодня политика сможет быть эффективной и креативной лишь в том случае, если ее интеллектуальная опора - политология - будет адекватна современным реалиям социально-политических процессов в обществе. Пока же казахстанская политическая наука отстает во многом.
Экспертам часто задают вопрос о том, в чем заключается отличие политики и политологии. Отметим, что политология и политика, казалось бы, две разные сферы профессиональной деятельности, сегодня составляют единое целое. Без базовых знаний основ политологии и аналитики невозможно стать успешным политиком и принимать управленческие решения.
Приведем два основных фактора.
Первый: в сфере политики многие руководители государственных структур открыто демонстрируют узость своего мышления, полагаясь только на опыт работы и интуицию, игнорируя мнение аналитиков, работа которых состоит в экспертизе проблем, мониторинге действий, выявлении рисков, прогнозировании и выработке рекомендаций.
Второй: в нашей республике многие политики имеют научные степени кандидата или доктора политических наук, это как визитная карточка, за которой нет определенных усилий для повышения институционального уровня развития отечественной политической науки. Новая волна молодых докторов PhD пока набирает опыт.
Отметим, что развитая система фундаментальной политической науки состоит из четырех базовых элементов.
Во-первых, академической среды, в которую входят университетское политологическое образование и теоретические исследования. Ее функция – постоянное генерирование, аккумулирование и ретрансляция политологических знаний в человеческий капитал.
Во-вторых, сети аналитических научных центров, осуществляющих мониторинг, оценку и прогнозирование политических процессов, а также выработку рекомендаций для политической власти.
В-третьих, открытой коммуникации политической власти с гражданским обществом благодаря социальным сетям.
В-четвертых, политических комментаторов, регулярно дающих оценку политическим событиям, и политтехнологов, обслуживающих участников политической жизни гражданского общества.
Какие действия будут эффективны для казахстанской политической науки в данных условиях? Задача нашего политологического сообщества состоит в том, чтобы системно анализируя внутренние и внешние социально-политические процессы, выявить
предстоящие угрозы и риски национальной безопасности нашего государства. В даль- нейшем эти исследования могут стать основой для практических решений правительства.
Справляется ли казахстанская политическая наука с данной задачей? На эти вопросы искали ответы делегаты Конгресса политологов на диалоговой площадке ЕНУ им.
Л.Н.Гумилева весной 2019 года. Здесь особое внимание было уделено перспективам развития политической науки в Казахстане, участию страны во Всемирном конгрессе политологов, который пройдет в Лиссабоне в 2020 году.
В ходе дискуссий делегаты Конгресса политологов отметили, что, к сожалению, в Казахстане в силу ряда обстоятельств слабо и однобоко развита теоретическая направленность данной науки. Например, за десять лет, с 1999 по 2009 гг., количество защищенных диссертационных работ в Казахстане по политической науке составило 210, среди которых 50 докторских и 160 кандидатских работ. Основное количество исследований посвящено теме внутриполитических реформ, анализу политических процессов, институтов и технологий - 53 (25%), этнополитике – 31 (15%), национальной безопасности – 30 (14%).
Вместе с тем еще мало исследований, посвященных темам политической культуры, политической психологии, медиации, политического поведения, политического сознания, коммуникации между обществом и властью, вопросам религиозной ситуации в стране, проблемам в сферах социальной жизни гражданского общества, экологии и образования и т.д.
В целом, нужно признать, что с 2010-го по 2019-й год темы исследований докторов PhD довольно универсальны, работы носят описательный характер, нет глубокого исследовательского анализа. Причина этого кроется скорее всего в отсутствии отечественного координирующего научного центра по разработке актуальных направлений исследований в политической науке. Из этих факторов вытекает проблема низкого исследовательского кругозора, поэтому работы являются «вторичным» потребителем профессиональной информации. Не секрет также, что основная часть казахстанских полито- логов и исследователей не владеет иностранными языками, что делает их зависимыми от рос- сийского политологического пространства, являющегося своеобразным информационным посредником между нами и зарубежным сообществом политологов. Приведем небольшой сравнительный анализ характерных черт познавательной деятельности зарубежных и казахстанских политологов.
№ Познавательная деятельность
зарубежных политологов Познавательная деятельность отечественных политологов
1 Баланс между теоретическими и прикладными исследованиями за счет разработки фундаментальных исследований.
Превалирование прикладных исследований над теоретическими и фундаментальными.
2 Деятельность в рамках многочисленных политологических субдисциплин.
Отсутствие четкой субдисциплинарной дифференциации, отражающей базовые характеристики текущих политических процессов.
3 Активное междисциплинарное
взаимодействие. Основной акцент на интерпретации западных и российских моделей исследования.
4 Интенсивная экспериментальная деятельность по применению новых теоретико-методологических инструментов.
Превалирование универсализма в выборе исследовательских тем, описательность без глубокого анализа.
5 Четкая исследовательская
специализация. Слабая теоретико-методологическая база, отсутствие конкретной исследовательской специализации и оторванность от практики.
6 Отсутствие жестких
идеологических рамок. Наличие определенных идеологических ограничений.
Каких тем научных статей мы ждем в нашем научном журнале? Прежде всего исследовательских работ на междисциплинарном уровне политического знания с конкретным теоретико-методологическим инструментарием, таких как проблемы психологии политики, социологии политики, философии политики, теория политики, истории политических учений, истории международных отношений, мировой политики, геополитики, востоковедения, страноведения, тюркологии, внешней и внутренней политики Казахстана, соотношения психологических, правовых, философских и социальных направлений развития государства в контексте укрепления национальной безопасности страны.
Хочется также отметить, что политическая наука с исследовательским кругозором в современных условиях имеет социальное значение, которое помимо научных функций выполняет роль проводника либерального дискурса и коммуникации между политической властью и гражданским обществом.
С уважением, главный редактор, доктор политических наук, профессор ЕНУ им. Л.Н. Гумилева Нуртазина Р.А.
САЯСИ ҒЫЛЫМДАР POLITICAL SCIENCE ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ НАУКИ
IRSTI 11.25.19
O. M. Abdramanov, A. Bekmurat, А. M. Yesdauletova L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Nur-Sultan, Kazakhstan (E-mail: o.abdramanov@campus.unimib.it, aigerim.bekmurat@gmail.com,
esdauetova_am@enu.kz)
When economic sanctions are likely to be effective?
Abstract. The insane outcomes of past wars and other conflicts took place in 20th century made states to think on creating a mechanism to prevent potential threats in the world that breach international peace and security. For these purposes, the imposition of economic sanctions is seemed to be the most formidable and applicable tool in the system of international relations. Until the present, economic sanc- tions are deployed unilaterally and multilaterally by states and international organizations against different regimes and episodes. However, a past experience showed that economic sanctions are not always effective in restraining possible conflicts and deterring actions of rogue states. Moreover, the efficacy of economic sanctions has become mostly debated subject of international studies. In this paper, we will analyze the works of scholars and researchers on the application of the economic sanctions and attempt to determine the concrete and effective ways of deploying sanctions. These applications of sanctions are listed and col- lected in the paper and we give our recommendations.
Keywords: еconomic sanctions, smart sanctions, international institutions, the United States of America, rogue states, unilateral and multilateral sanctions.
DOI: https://doi. org/10. 32523/26-16-6887/2019-128-3-11-17 Introduction. The peculiarity of economic and financial sanctions is that they affect the economic interests of both countries against which they are directed, as well as the initiators of sanctions, since they entail additional costs for their economies. Sanctions are often subject to harsh criticism from enterprises. The consequences of sanctions painfully affect the most vulnera- ble part of the population. In addition, economic sanctions cause fear, because armed conflicts are often anticipated. The effectiveness of sanctions is sometimes negligible compared with the costs and suffering associated with them. So, sanctions against Iraq have largely discredited economic sanctions in the eyes of public opinion, experts and politicians.
Although the states continue to use sanctions as an instrument of diplomatic coercion, the Iraq experience has shown the need to search for new directions of economic pressure of some states on others. These include the prohibition of access by individual countries, sectors of the economy, organizations and individuals to institutions or resources, in particular monetary and financial resources of western states.
Goals. The main goal of the article is to consider different type of economic sanction’s ep- isodes that were considered by different scholars and their findings. Every research found out that there are big differences in the effectiveness of economic sanctions depending their application by sender state; therefore, we have to find out when and in what situation exercise of economic sanc- tions will less violate human rights and compel the state to change their attitudes towards certain policies.
History: According to the history of economic sanctions it can be dated from the Ancient Greek times where Megarian Decree that was a set of economic sanctions levied upon Megara, and it can serve as a good example for the imposition of economic sanctions by ancient states [1]. A brief history of Megarian Decree is that three Athenian women had been kidnapped by the inhabitants of Megara after this Athenians as a reply excluded Megarian merchants from the marketplaces and harbors throughout the Athenian Empire making pressure on its economy. How- ever, the usage of sanctions by states and international organizations has become more prevalent from the 20th century and until now. The imposition of economic sanctions is a debated subject of international relations for today. Since the beginning of 20th century the USA has become a leading actor on imposing sanctions on states and it can be seen from the list of sanctions offered by Peterson Institute for International Economics [2].
Economic sanctions have become the tool of coercion against the states that violate main human rights, breach the international law, destabilize the peace and order in the world and region etc. in the system of international relations. Woodrow Wilson in his speech in Indianapolis in 1919 said that “A nation that is boycotted is a nation that is in sight of surrender. Apply this economic, peaceful, silent, deadly remedy and there will be no need for force. It is a terrible remedy. It does not cost a life outside the nation boycotted but it brings a pressure upon the nation which, in my judgment, no modern nation could resist” mentioning the crucial role of economic sanctions in re- solving global and regional issues. Nowadays these sanctions play a significant role in preventing the war and conflicts between states enabling a country to reprimand for unacceptable behavior of opposing state in the framework of international law. Although some experts argue that economic sanctions allow the violation of essential human rights in the targeted state and points out the little efficacy of economic sanctions on achieving the targeted goal. In this respect, data collected for the third edition of the book Economic Sanctions Reconsidered shows that about a one-third of all cases was successful in achieving their objectives [3, p. 45]. Moreover, the work of Daniel Wagner suggests that economic sanctions, imposed between 1945 and 2006, achieved it is stated policy objectives by thirty percent [4]. If it has not a big impact as assumed why states and orga- nizations deploy economic sanctions and how these sanctions should be imposed? In this article, we will attempt to discuss these questions and give our recommendations.
Research methods. In this article we apply qualitative methods to analyze and collect the findings and conclusions of scholars and researchers in the economic sanctions’ sphere. We will discuss and make conclusion regarding on the findings of scholars and suggest our recommenda- tions depending on the efficacy of different sanction’s episodes.
Recent sanction episodes with Russia on annexation of Crimea show us that the economic sanctions could not coerce Russia to surrender Crimea and change its strategic policies whereas comprehensive economic sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea by the involvement of the UN on nuclear threat to the international peace and security seem to give its results on coercion and deterring actions of the state. Treasury Secretary of the United States Mnuchin claims that Trump sanctions encouraged North Korea to come to negotiating table [5].
Moreover, Russia’s nuclear power and its role in the United Nations Security Council as a permanent member challenge policy-makers to coerce the state by economic sanctions.
The different types of economic sanctions can be found in the literatures, books and re- search papers on this specific topic. We would like to give a brief explanation for the various
types of economic sanctions. “Targeted sanctions” and “smart sanctions” are the terms that can be used interchangeably in the same manner and meaning. Therefore, we use the terms targeted sanctions and smart sanctions in the same meaning avoiding the repetition of the words. The defi- nition of targeted or smart sanctions can be explained by the targeted sanctions that imposed on leaders, political elites and main representatives of a government such as ministries and members of parliament. The targeted sanctions can be directed at the certain group of people in the form of arms embargoes that limit the supply of weapons for the military and political leader, travel bans and asset freezes. In this article we consider the smart sanctions excluding the selective sanc- tions. However, the difference between targeted and selective sanctions should be determined.
Selective” sanctions, which are less broad than comprehensive embargoes, involve restrictions on particular products or financial flows [2]. “Targeted” sanctions focus on certain groups or in- dividuals in the target country and aim to directly impact these groups. Another type of economic sanctions that we consider is threat sanctions [2]. The threat sanctions are meant to announce and declare publicly about the imposition of sanctions before applying these sanctions in action against certain states. These threat sanctions are meant to announce and declare publicly about the imposition of sanctions before applying these sanctions in action against certain states. It means that only announcement of economic sanctions against certain country can give its result, if this country believes that these economic sanctions may harm its economy and population. In that case, targeted country may change its policy preventing the imposition of sanctions by the sender state or international organization.
However, there are certain sanction episodes that explain why some states and interna- tional organizations deploy economic sanctions against some countries even they predict possible ineffective outcomes. One of the big reasons stated by Hufbauer (2008): “smart sanctions may satisfy the need in sender states to “do something,” they may slake humanitarian concerns, and they may serve to unify fraying coalitions and isolate a rogue regime”. Here, we think that this point is also true for general economic sanctions as well as for smart sanctions. Therefore, head of economic powers such as USA or economic unions such as EU may apply sanctions against the rogue states’ leaders, political elites and oligarchs. A good example of this can be smart sanctions applied by the USA against Russian political elites and close people to Putin. The USA, applying the smart sanctions, imposed ban on some Russian political representatives for the entrance in the USA and froze bank accounts in the USA and so on.
Sometimes these sanctions episodes might be symbolic or an attempt in representing strong disapproval of the state’s behavior. One of the empirical researches is done by Whang (2011) suggested that in the case of the United States of America, presidents tend to use these economic sanctions because it increases their reputation and gain public support [6]. Moreover, Whang (2011) claims that “even instrumentally ineffective, sanctions are an efficient way of dis- playing “do something” to the public in the midst of international conflict”; therefore, another main usage of economic sanctions can be elevation of the popularity of the incumbent leaders and in addition it is comparably costless. Therefore, it seems us that sometimes the leaders of certain countries apply economic sanctions to achieve public support or gain more votes before the elec- tion. A good example of this can be economic screws against Iran in July 2012 with isolating and penalizing Iran for its refusal to do international obligations related to its nuclear program before the presidential elections [7].
Another reason that can be the application of economic sanctions as an “international pun- ishment” tool that suggested by Nossal (1989). Nossal (1989) argues that some countries may use economic sanctions in pursuing their goals and claims that in these episodes, economic sanctions will not achieve any change in behavior and policy issues [8]. However, from the perspective of imposing sanctions as a tool of punishment it will be effective and rational tool of diplomacy con- cluded Nossal (1989). Therefore, it should be noted that if the intention of sanctions is retributive
then it is likely to be effective on the ground of imposing harm on the target state.
We assume that imposition of economic sanctions with this kind of intentions is likely to decrease economic sanctions’ efficacy in analyzing them in a broad term. Therefore, we think that such episodes as to “do something” cases, gaining public support or retributive reasons should be excluded from the works where researcher’s attempt to discover real success of economic sanc- tions or should be considered properly stating their real intentions on the deployment of economic sanctions. We believe that in this case the success rate of economic sanctions is likely to increase when it is displayed by figures and statistics.
Other common reasons to deploy economic screws seem to be inclusion of deterrence, upholding of international norms, influencing behavior change and prevention of potential threat such as a leader, group or state and so on. These kinds of purposes should be the main strategic goal of whatever actor that orders economic sanctions in order to restore peace and security in the region and world.
Until today, the world has seen a lot of economic sanctions imposed by governments and multinational bodies trying to change the strategic decisions of nation-states and certain leaders that threaten international peace and security. Authors of the book Economic Sanctions Recon- sidered analyzed about 170 economic sanction cases that took place until 2008. The meticulous analysis of the sanction cases represented that the success rate of economic sanctions varies de- pending on pursued policy goals. Episodes show that economic sanctions could be more effective on affecting modest or limited political changes such as releasing of political prisoners by 51 percent. It means that economic sanctions are likely to be effective is the follow attainable goals and modest political changes that can be acceptable to implement by the sanctioned state. On the other hand, certain political goals that require regime change and democratization, impairment of military potential and an altering its policies in a main direction were only successful by about 30 per cent. Therefore, pursuing big political changes requires much effort and serious considerations in its imposition on the targeted state. Another work suggests that threats on imposing economic sanctions are likely to be more successful than imposed ones [9]. Moreover, an empirical research of Bapat et al. suggests that threat sanctions will be successful in case that these sanctions are under the auspices of international institutes and crucial economic costs on the target states are expected [10]. It can be seen from the examples of economic sanctions that imposed by League of Nations against Yugoslavia and Greece that compelled them to withdraw from the territory of Albania and Bulgaria respectively in 1921 and 1925.
Nossal (1989) cliamed that sanctions would be effective if the true objectives are punitive measures and make some harm to targeted state. Sometimes it also can be effective if states use sanctions for retributive punishments with positive inducements, like resuming financial aid or supporting economic wellbeing of sanctioned state. A good example for this can be the case of the USA sanctions imposed on India in 1965 with cancelling food and military aid to India in order to coerce it to reconsider its agricultural policies and this expressed also displeasure on war with Pakistan [11]. As a result, in 1966, Indian government changed its agricultural policies and the USA resumed its aid.
Evidence collected for the book Economic Sanctions Reconsidered also suggests that ex- pected policy goals should be reasonable and attainable in a bid to achieve possible success from applied sanctions. For example, in the case of Cuba the USA applied the economic sanctions and could not achieve any positive impact rather than making harm on itself with receiving prisoners along with genuine refugees [12]. Moreover, it is cited that the economic sanctions imposed on autocratic regimes are unlikely be successful in achieving stated objectives and policy changes.
It can be seen from different sanction episodes such as sanctions deployed against Russia, Cuba, North Korea etc. An imposition of sanctions against autocratic regimes is likely to make more harm for civilians of targeted states and sometimes it violates human rights in the targeted state.
Peksen argues that economic sanctions despite the fact that they fail to achieve intended policy goals they lead to unintended human rights violations [13]. As general economic sanctions will af- fect, firstly, to the wealth of the targeted state’s population and their general economic conditions.
The main reason is that in the totalitarian or autocratic states group of people or rulers may suffer less than their population, sometimes these group of people increase their wealth making mon- ey on their population. Therefore, the supporters of human rights’ movements argue that sender states should apply different type of sanctions in order to compel or change the behavior of the targeted state or group of people who rule the state considering the population of these countries as victims of the regime. For these reasons, “smart sanctions” or “targeted sanctions” can be solu- tion in a bid to avoid counter effects of economic sanctions as negative human rights outcomes, social wellbeing of civilians and so on. Hotton in his findings concludes that targeted sanctions can be effective and decrease human rights violations [14]. Moreover, targeted sanctions should be implemented with proper time limitations and with a thorough examination of targets.
In conclusion, there are different policy goals and intentions on imposing economic sanc- tions. It might be gaining public support, to “do something” reactions, prevention of potential threats or punitive measures that might be sometimes used for the sanction sender’s own goals.
Moreover, two types of sanctions are likely to be effective in order to achieve stated policy goals.
Firstly, the threat sanctions that imposed in the auspices of international institutes and organiza- tions with the expected crucial economic sanctions, intended punitive measures, attainable goals are likely to be effective to coerce the rogue states. Next, targeted sanctions or smart sanctions are likely to work in achieving intended policy objectives in order to prevent the violation of human rights in the targeted state. Therefore, we would like to give a positive feedback for the application of “targeted” or “smart” sanctions as they will be more effective to coerce the state policy and make less harm to the general public as targeted or smart sanctions avoid to violate the human rights and decrease the wellbeing of the population in the targeted state.
Moreover, the methods on imposition of sanctions can be determining factor in attaining stated policy goals and changes. We have considered and defined that the imposition of economic sanctions with the auspice of international organizations or economic union such as the UN and EU respectively can coerce the rogue state to change its behavior and come to the table of negoti- ation.
References
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https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the-press-office/2012/07/31/fact-sheet-sanctions-related-iran (Accessed:
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